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The fourth edition of Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology retains the book’s sterling reputation in the field and provides advanced psychology students with a thorough examination and critical analysis of the current research in the psychology of physical activity. This revitalized text, known in its first three editions as Advances in Sport Psychology, uses a traditional textbook approach, appropriate for advanced classes, as opposed to an informal handbook style. Longtime editor and author Thelma Horn is joined by a new coeditor, Alan Smith, as well as new and returning contributors (55 in all), including many of the most prolific researchers and scholars in the field.
As the updated title indicates, this edition emphasizes exercise psychology constructs as well as sport psychology. The new edition highlights some of the career possibilities in health and wellness areas as well as some of the distinctions between sport and exercise psychology research. Further updates to this text include the following:
• Nine new and heavily referenced chapters, including Family Influences on Active Free Play and Youth Sport, Leadership in Physical Activity Contexts, and Youth Talent Development
• Refreshed theoretical and empirical data based on advances in the sport, exercise, and physical activity psychology field
• Expanded topics in exercise psychology, such as physical activity and mental health, physical activity and cognitive abilities, and health-based exercise motivation models
• Contemporary interest areas in sport psychology, such as perfectionism, passion, self-presentation concerns, stereotype threat, psychopathology issues in sport and exercise, positive youth development, sport talent development, and physical activity within specific populations
The reorganized text is divided into seven parts. Part I provides an overview of the field in the psychology of physical activity. Part II examines characteristics of people that can affect their behavior and psychosocial well-being in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. In part III, students learn about socioenvironmental factors that impinge on participants’ behavior and psychosocial well-being in sport and physical activity domains. Part IV explores psychological factors that can affect behavior and performance in sport and physical activity settings. In part V, students gain insights into the motivational models and theories regarding individuals’ behavior in sport, exercise, and physical activity contexts. Part VI discusses the links between sport, physical activity, exercise, and health. Part VII analyzes the concepts related to lifespan and developmental processes.
For instructors, Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology includes an image bank that houses nearly all the tables and figures from the book.
With its broad range of new and established content, its inclusion of exercise psychology constructs, and its addition of many new and bright voices, Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology maintains the standard of excellence set by its preceding editions.
Part I. Introduction to Sport and Exercise Psychology
Chapter 1. The Nature of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Psychology
Robert C. Eklund and Peter R.E. Crocker
Defining Sport and Exercise Psychology
Disciplinary Links
History of Sport and Exercise Psychology
Professional Competencies
Knowledge Translation
Technology in Practice
Summary
Chapter 2. Research Approaches in the Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Field
Martin S. Hagger and Brett Smith
Quantitative Research Approaches
Qualitative Research Approaches
Mixed Method Research Approaches
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 3. Applied Sport and Exercise/Physical Activity Psychology
Krista J. Munroe-Chandler and Michelle D. Guerrero
Defining the Practice
Applied Psychological Skills Training
Emerging Research Constructs
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Part II. Individual Differences in Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Behavior
Chapter 4. Self-Perception in Sport and Exercise
Catherine M. Sabiston, Jenna D. Gilchrist, and Jennifer Brunet
Self-Esteem and Self-Concept
Additional Self-System Constructs in Physical Activity
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 5. Self-Presentation Concerns in Physical Activity and Sport
Jennifer Brunet and Catherine M. Sabiston
Self-Presentation Origins and Models
Self-Presentation Tactics
Measurement of Self-Presentation
Self-Presentation in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 6. Perfectionism in Competitive Sport
Howard K. Hall
Debating the Meaning of Perfectionism
Measurement and Classification of Perfectionism
Influence of Perfectionism in Sport
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Part III. Socioenvironmental Factors in Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity
Chapter 7. Family Influences on Active Free Play and Youth Sport
Nicholas L. Holt, Shannon Pynn, Kurtis Pankow, Kacey C. Neely, Valerie Carson, and Meghan Ingstrup
Defining Key Terms
Foundational Theories and Models
Family Influence on Active Free Play
Family Influence on Youth Sport Participation
Theoretically Driven Research Examining Parental Influence in Youth Sport
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 8. Peers and Psychological Experiences in Physical Activity Settings
Alan L. Smith, Kathleen T. Mellano, and Sarah Ullrich-French
The Conceptualization of Peers in Physical Activity Research
Theoretical Perspectives
Research on Peers in Physical Activity Settings
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 9. Leadership in Physical Activity Contexts
Mark R. Beauchamp, Ben Jackson, and Todd M. Loughead
Theoretical Frameworks for Leadership in Physical Activity Contexts
Athlete Leadership
An Integrated Framework for Leadership in Physical Activity Settings
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 10. Group Dynamics in Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Contexts
Mark Eys and Blair Evans
Relevancy of Group Dynamics Across Contexts
Frameworks for Group Dynamics in Physical Activity
Critical Components of Group Dynamics
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Part IV. Behavior and Performance in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts
Chapter 11. Moral Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity
Ian D. Boardley
Structural Development Versus Social Cognitive Perspectives
Individual Difference Variables
Contextual Influences
Consequences of Moral Behavior
Contemporary Moral Behavior Research
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 12. Performance Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping in Sport
Rich Neil and Tim Woodman
Defining and Operationalizing Anxiety, Arousal, and Coping
Models and Theories of Anxiety, Arousal, and Performance
Coping Behaviors of Anxious Sport Performers
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 13. Anticipation in Sport
A. Mark. Williams, Colm P. Murphy, David. P. Broadbent, and Christopher M. Janelle
Key Perceptual-Cognitive Skills Underpinning Anticipation
Dynamic Interaction Among Perceptual-Cognitive Skills
Developing Anticipation and Skill Acquisition
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 14. Exergames to Enhance Physical Activity and Performance
Deborah L. Feltz and Stephen Samendinger
Exergame Modalities and Usage
Increasing Physical Activity and Performance Through Exergames
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Part V. Motivated Behavior in Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity
Chapter 15. Achievement Goals in Sport and Physical Activity
Richard J. Keegan
History of Achievement Goal Theories
Nature of Scientific Advancement
Attitudes That Enable Scientific Advancement
Codependence of Theories and Questionnaires
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 16. Self-Determination-Based Theories of Sport, Exercise, and Physical Activity Motivation
Martyn Standage, Thomas Curran, and Peter C. Rouse
Self-Determination Theory
SDT-Related Extensions
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 17. Developmentally Based Perspectives on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Contexts
Thelma S. Horn and Jocelyn L. Newton
Theories on Motivated Behavior in Sport and Physical Activity Settings
Perceptions of Competence or Ability
Perceptions of Personal Autonomy
Motivational Orientation
Perceptions of Performance Control
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 18. Public Health Perspectives on Motivation and Behavior Change in Physical Activity
Stuart J.H. Biddle and Ineke Vergeer
Psychological Correlates of Physical Activity
Individual Participation Motives
Theories of Physical Activity Behavior
Behavior Change Wheel and Com-B Frameworks
Habits and Nudging in Behavior Change
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Part VI. Sport, Exercise, Physical Activity, and Health
Chapter 19. Physical Activity and Mental Health in the Era of Evidence-Based Medicine
Panteleimon Ekkekakis
A 50-Year Chronicle of Contrasting Views
Appeal and Shortcomings of Evidence-Based Medicine
Depression as an Illustrative Case
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 20. Disability, Physical Activity, and Psychological Well-Being
Jeffrey J. Martin
Athletic Identity
Personality
Wounded Warriors
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 21. Sports Medicine Psychology
Diane M. Wiese-Bjornstal, Andrew C. White, and Kristin N. Wood, and Hayley C. Russell
Preinjury Psychology
Postinjury Psychology
Psychological Interventions in Sports Medicine
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 22. Athlete Burnout in Competitive Sport
Alan L. Smith, Christine E. Pacewicz, and Thomas D. Raedeke
Defining and Measuring Burnout
Theoretical Perspectives on Burnout
Recent Research on Athlete Burnout
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 23. Physical Activity and Self-Management of Chronic Disease
Nancy Gyurcsik, Christopher Shields, Miranda A. Cary, and Lawrence R. Brawley
Physical Activity as a Primary and Tertiary Prevention Strategy
Role of Health Care Providers in Chronic Disease Self-Management
Knowledge, Skills, and Strategies for Self-Regulation
Physical Activity and Psychological Aspects of Behavior Change
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Part VII. Lifespan and Developmental Issues
Chapter 24. Physical Activity and Cognition
Jennifer L. Etnier and Yu-Kai Chang
Theories for the Effects of Physical Activity on Cognition
Physical Activity and Cognition in the General Population
Physical Activity and Cognition in Special Populations
Mechanisms of the Effects
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 25. Youth Talent Development
Jean Côté, Veronica Allan, Jennifer Turnnidge, Matthew Vierimaa, and M. Blair Evans
Developmental Systems in Sport
Interest and Talent Development in Sport
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Chapter 26. Positive Youth Development Through Physical Activity
Maureen R. Weiss
Youth Sport Psychology Research Foundations
Positive Youth Development Theoretical Frameworks
Applying PYD to the Physical Activity Domain
Exemplar PA-PYD Programs
Future Research Recommendations
Summary
Thelma S. Horn, PhD, is a professor and member of the graduate faculty at Miami University of Ohio. Horn is an editorial board member of several journals in the sport and exercise psychology and general psychology fields. She is a former editor and associate editor of the Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology and was an associate editor for the Journal of Applied Sport Psychology.
Horn received her PhD in psychology of sport and physical activity from Michigan State University. She earned a master of arts degree in coaching behavior from Western Michigan University at Kalamazoo and a bachelor of arts degree in psychology from Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Michigan.
Besides being editor of the previous three editions of Advances in Sport Psychology, Horn has published many articles on topics within the psychology of sport and physical activity field. In 1999, she was co-winner of the research writing award from Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport. Horn also was recently inducted as a fellow in the National Academy of Kinesiology. In her free time, Horn enjoys reading, writing, running, and spending time with family and friends.
Alan L. Smith, PhD, is a professor and the chairperson of the department of kinesiology at Michigan State University. Smith has served as associate editor of the Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology and on the editorial boards of Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly; Child Development; International Journal of Sport Psychology; Journal of Applied Sport Psychology; Kinesiology Review; and Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology. Smith is a fellow of the National Academy of Kinesiology (USA) and is a past president of the North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity.
Smith received his PhD in exercise and movement science from the University of Oregon. He earned a master of science degree in exercise and sport science from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro and a bachelor of arts degree in psychology from the University of Rochester (New York).
Smith’s research addresses the link between young people’s sport and physical activity involvement and their psychological and social functioning. He is widely known for his research on peer relationships in the physical activity domain and the motivational implications of these relationships for children and adolescents. His work has been funded by the National Institute of Mental Health and the U.S. Department of Education as well as other agencies. In his free time, Smith enjoys running and spending time with his family.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
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The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
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Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
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The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
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Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
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Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
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The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
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The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
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Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
Learn more about Advances in Sport and Exercise Psychology, Fourth Edition.
Increasing physical activity and performance through exergames
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015).
Behavior change theories and concepts for exergame design are important for enhancing the effectiveness in increasing physical activity behavior and training (Thompson, 2015). Theories can help balance the fun or pure entertainment of a game and the serious aspects of behavior change (Thompson, 2015). The conceptual approaches or theories on which exergames primarily have been based are achievement goals, self-determination theory, flow, and group dynamics. Most of the games that are theoretically based use a combination of these approaches.
Achievement Goals
Goal setting, a common procedure for behavior change, has been employed within exergames. Gao and Chen (2014) note that children typically have low self-regulation skills, which is a problem in self-directed exergames. One strategy that Gao and Podlog (2012) have used has been to help children with goal setting in exergame play. Gao and Podlog found that children who set specific goals had better health outcomes than those who set vague and do-your-best goals. Goals can also provide information regarding a person's competence and can be considered a component of self-determination theory.
Self-Determination Theory
Exergames that are based on self-determination theory focus on the intrinsic motivators of physical activity (Peng, Lin, Pfeiffer, & Winn, 2012; Roemmich, Lambiase, McCarthy, Feda, & Kozlowski, 2012). Within self-determination theory, a sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness are viewed as important intrinsic motivators for trying to do well at a task (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to how much control or choice a person has over his or her own behaviors, the need for competence refers to the need to feel mastery or the desire to perform skillfully, and relatedness is the drive for having positive interactions and feeling connected with others. Providing people with choices over how they engage in a task can enhance the need for autonomy. Competence can be developed by providing feedback to participants about their performance so that they know how well they are doing. Giving people opportunities to develop interpersonal relationships and build social connections with one another can foster relatedness. An example of an exergame based on self-determination theory is Olympus (Peng et al., 2012). The game, aimed at sedentary college students, involved an immersive story (players were citizens of ancient Greece training for athletic competitions) in which players had to run (in place), jump, and sword-fight opponents (using a wand) to reach Mount Olympus. The game altered various elements (e.g., character customization, dialogue choice, skill improvement choice) to improve autonomy and competency (e.g., achievements, adjusting difficulty levels) (Peng et al., 2012). Results showed that autonomy- and competency-supportive game features led to improved motivation, enjoyment, recommendation of the game to others, and the overall rating of the game.
Additional research has also shown support for the motivational benefits of autonomy- and competency-supportive aspects in exergames (Lyons et al., 2014). Roemmich et al. (2012) manipulated both autonomy and mastery in an exergame for children and showed that the exergame that was both autonomy supportive, in terms of providing more choices, and mastery oriented was the most effective for increasing physical activity.
Flow
Flow theory has been used as the basis for enhancing the immersion of exergame play. As advanced by Csikszentihalyi (1990), when a person is fully immersed in an activity, it is more pleasurable and enjoyable. When exergame players are in a flow state, they are absorbed in the activity and disengaged from distractions such that they may not even perceive themselves to be exercising, which may increase the likelihood of continued use (Straker et al., 2015). As Straker et al. note, the elements of an exergame necessary to promote a flow state include concentration, challenge, player skills, control, clear goals, feedback, immersion, and social interaction. Players of exergames who were assessed on their flow experience reported experiencing flow when they were engaged in more advanced levels of game play (Thin, Hansen, & McEachen, 2011). Research has also shown that higher perceived flow results in greater energy expenditure (Noah, Spierer, Tachibana, & Bronner, 2011).
Group Dynamics
More recent conceptual approaches to the examination of exergames have used group dynamics theoretical frameworks. Specifically, playing an exergame with one or more partners can add social elements of cooperation, competition, communication, support, and coordination to the game experience (Ede, Forlenza, & Feltz, 2015). Partners and social support groups can significantly boost motivation, but not without potential problems, such as finding a partner, coordinating time, negotiating different exercise goals, and meeting a partner's performance at any given activity. Furthermore, although group dynamics afford opportunities to employ motivation gain mechanisms inherent in cooperation and competition, they also have the potential to have a negative effect on individual and group motivation and goals, and ultimately performance. Group dynamics broadly cover intra- and intergroup cooperation and competition. Whether the group consists of only two people or many, whether it is socially oriented (i.e., based on relationship or social motivations) or task oriented (i.e. shared performance goals), multiple dynamics determine immediate and long-term outcomes. Many excellent reviews have been written about the use of group dynamics in sport and exercise (see, for example, chapter 10). In the following paragraphs, the theories regarding group dynamics are applied specifically to the use of exergames to enhance performance and physical activity.
Exergames that are based on group dynamics principles have relied on Steiner's (1972) typology of group task structures that are applicable to exergames. Steiner described the following task structures that can be applied to exergames, which include at least some level of dependency and cooperation within the group. The task structures most relevant to exergames are additive, coactive, and conjunctive. The term coactive group structures suggests two or more persons working independently at the same task, so this common arrangement does not truly describe a team. But coactive task structures can socially influence others, and thus they are included here. In additive tasks, the group's performance is simply determined by the sum of all group members' individual performances. As mentioned, in coactive tasks, two or more people work at the same task but independently of each other. Unlike additive tasks, individuals are not working as a part of a group toward a common goal, yet they still can be influenced by the mere coactive or competitive presence of another person through social comparison. In conjunctive task structures, the group performance relies on the weakest member. Members work toward a group goal, but goal attainment is determined by the abilities of the member who is recognized as least capable. Steiner (1972) uses the example of mountain climbers who must yield any progress to the performance of the slowest climber.
The conjunctive task dynamic is unique and obviously differs from scenarios founded on coactive or additive group results, which are inherently prone to motivation losses (e.g., social loafing or social compensation). To capitalize on the conjunctive task structure for motivation gains (versus avoiding potential losses brought on by the weakest member), the group dynamic effects of upward social comparison must exert their influence. Furthermore, when a group member perceives that she or he is instrumental (i.e., key to the group's performance at a high level) and values the outcome of the group effort, motivation is thought to be highest (instrumentality-value model; Vroom, 1964; Karau & Williams, 1993).
The motivation gains incurred by team members in a conjunctive task have been labeled the Köhler effect (Kerr & Hertel, 2011). Studying a club rowing team in the 1920s, Otto Köhler noted that performance on a physical task (biceps curls) by weaker rowers was better when their efforts were yoked to stronger rowers. This increased motivation was based on rowers' understanding that their shared task would end when weaker members became exhausted and quit (i.e., a conjunctive task structure). In addition, the greatest motivation gains came when performance discrepancy was moderate and partners did not perceive performance differences as too great.
The Köhler effect emphasizes the weaker partner's effort as indispensable to team success. This indispensability perception and the associated desire for success have been theorized as key to the motivation gain (Kerr et al., 2007). Also integral is an upward social comparison by the weaker partner (Kerr et al., 2007). The weaker partner may either set a goal to improve his or her performance or decide to compete with the stronger partner. Either way, comparison with a stronger partner is thought to be critical to the Köhler effect. To date, other possible explanations for the Köhler effect have not been clearly demonstrated, such as when a group identity is adopted in a team demanding high performance (Gockel, Kerr, Seok, & Harris, 2008). Kerr and Hertel (2011) have published a thorough review of possible moderators for the Köhler group dynamic effect.
Several lines of research have demonstrated that Köhler motivation gains applied to exercise and exergame conditions build on the robust stability of this group dynamic effect. Weber and Hertel (2007) completed a meta-analysis of inferior group member motivation gains (outside exergame research), finding that conjunctive task structures measured favorably to additive and coactive settings.
Another benefit of exergames is the adaptability of the exercise partner and the user - partner relationship. Exergame technology permits the use of live, virtually presented, and software-generated virtual partners. The research on these types of partner or group dynamics is reviewed in the following sections.
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The good parenting ideal and active free play
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children’s engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents’ perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009).
As children age beyond the early years and begin to gain a limited amount of independence, parents and other caregivers are actually the most frequently reported barriers to children's engagement in AFP, primarily because of parents' perceptions of traffic safety and "stranger danger" concerns (Carver et al., 2008; Holt, Cunningham, Sehn, Spence, Newton, & Ball, 2009). The concept of the good parenting ideal provides one way of understanding these parental anxieties and the subsequent restrictions they place on their children. The good parenting ideal refers to how parents understand societal expectations for their parenting (cf. Lee et al., 2015; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Essentially, the good parenting ideal is what parents perceive to be considered good parenting by other parents in their community and society, and it is therefore subject to evolving social and cultural norms.
The good parenting ideal changes over time and between generations. For instance, in the 1950s and 1960s, the family home was a place for adults and strict control, whereas outdoors was a place for children. Allowing their children to spend time outdoors unsupervised was not only socially acceptable for parents but also an expectation of good parenting (Karsten, 2003, 2005). Studies from the 1990s and early 2000s, however, demonstrated that "good parents" perceived the need to monitor their children at all times; allowing children to roam free was generally considered a feature of poor parenting (Blakely, 1994; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Consequently, outdoor spaces have become adults' areas, and private spaces, such as the family home, have become children's areas.
We suspect that the good parenting ideal has further changed and evolved in the past decade or so. An increased number of mothers in the workforce and both parents working (in two-parent households) means that parents spend less time in the family home. Good parenting may involve, for some, working long hours to provide financially for their families rather than spending unstructured free time together (Kinoshita, 2009; Witten et al., 2013). Simultaneously, given the increased number of working parents, grandparents have become more involved in child rearing than in past decades (Dunifon, 2013). Sixty-seven percent of Canadians aged 65 years and older have grandchildren, and most of these grandparents have regular contact with their grandchildren (Rosenthal & Gladstone, 2000). Grandparents likely have different perceptions of the good parenting ideal than parents, but these factors and their implications for the provision of AFP have not been adequately examined to date.
Other broader social issues are implicated in the good parenting ideal. For example, some studies have shown that the good parenting ideal is related to social class; parents from lower social classes are more likely to allow their children to roam free than are parents from higher social classes (Pinkster & Fortuijn, 2009; Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Valentine & McKendrick, 1997). Furthermore, good parenting may vary depending on the child's gender and age; older children and boys are given more freedom to play unsupervised than are younger children and girls (Lee et al., 2015). But more research is required to understand how socioeconomic status and gender (both parents' gender and children's gender) shape parents' influences on AFP.
Interestingly, in contrast to parenting-styles research in youth sport (discussed later), some evidence suggests that permissive parenting may be beneficial for children's engagement in unstructured physical activity. For instance, studies from the United States and the United Kingdom have shown that permissive parenting was associated with higher mean physical activity levels among children compared with authoritative parenting (Hennessy, Hughes, Goldberg, Hyatt, & Economos, 2010; Jago et al., 2011). Yet even permissive parents must provide logistical support for their children to engage in various types of physical activity. Nonetheless, findings from these studies suggest that effects of parenting styles may vary depending on the specific context and child behaviors under investigation.
In recent years a variety of hyperparenting styles have received attention in the popular media and research circles. Janssen (2015) highlighted four types of hyperparenting:
- "Helicopter parents" who try to solve all of their children's problems and protect them from all dangers
- "Little emperor" parents who strive to give their children all the material goods they crave
- "Tiger moms" who push for and accept nothing less than exceptional achievement from their children
- Parents who practice "concerted cultivation" by scheduling their children into many extracurricular activities.
Results of Janssen's (2015) study showed that little emperor, tiger mom, and concerted cultivation parenting styles were associated with lower physical activity among 7- to 12-year-olds from Canada and the United States.
Although childhood is a critical period for engaging children in AFP, it is also when children commence their involvement in organized sport programs (Smoll & Smith, 2002). Parental restrictions arising mainly from safety concerns and hyperparenting styles such as concerted cultivation have limited children's AFP (Veitch, Bagley, Ball, & Salmon, 2006) and to some extent have replaced it with organized sport. Organized sport programs presumably offer a supervised and safe environment in which children can engage in physical activity.
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Using sport and physical activity in recovery with military veterans
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit.
Wounded Warriors
I was instantly drawn to the adrenaline high of the intense focus and flow of the Pilates environment. I was equally horrified at the complete total inability I had to connect my body as a whole unit. I had only experienced working on isolating the training of muscles in order to obtain strength, and to suddenly see my body as one force, stabilizing, supporting, coordinating and connecting, was the most overwhelming and empowering realization. I was blown away by the instructor's ability to read my posture and gait patterns, to constantly alter my training needs and reinvent material adaptable to my personal injury, as well as fine-tune the path forward, and I experienced movement in the most fundamental and functional way possible."
Special forces soldier, Bowman, 2015, p. 169
The preceding quotation obtained from a military veteran with a disability reflects his positive reaction, both in the moment and for the future, to an experience with a nontraditional activity (i.e., Pilates). As we know from the general sport and exercise psychology literature, the psychological benefits of physical activity (PA) and sport include anxiety reduction, increased positive mood states, and enhanced self-regard. Thus, these are reasons to believe that sport and PA can be used to alleviate the depression, anxiety, and chronic pain that war veterans often experience.
PA experiences are often social in nature and therefore can result in social benefits (e.g., increased social support; Caddick & Smith, 2014). Many recovering war veterans had participated in daily fitness programs and were athletes when able bodied. As a result, those who are injured while in service may also be attracted to PA and adventure and sport programs. Sport can restore lost camaraderie and feelings of belongingness when military life is over. For instance, one Paralympic athlete indicated that he was able to substitute his Paralympic team sense of belonging for his military sense of belonging (Day, 2013). War veterans are often seen as possessing desirable qualities for elite-level sport participation such as self-discipline and motivation for hard physical training within a structured environment where team goals have priority over individual goals (Brittain & Green, 2012).
In one of the most extensive investigations in this area, the effects of a 5-day and 5-night residential adapted sport and adventure training camp were examined across a series of three studies (Carless, 2014; Carless, Peacock, McKenna, & Cooke, 2013; Carless, Sparkes, Douglas, & Cooke, 2014). Camp participants engaged in sport (e.g., wheelchair basketball), recreation (e.g., caving, kayaking), and informal (e.g., dinner conversations) and formal (e.g., mental skill discussions) activities. In their first study, Carless et al. (2013) interviewed and observed 11 injured ex-military personnel. The researchers presented the results as life stories and thus documented the participants' experiences over time. Two distinct psychosocial-themed benefits emerged. First, participants framed their camp experiences as helping them reengage in the everyday activities of life and giving them a sense of purpose. For example, the ability to talk with other ex-military participants who understood the military culture helped them reengage in life socially. The time away at camp was also seen as renewing some participants' sense of purpose by strengthening marital relationships through a greater appreciation of their spouses.
The second theme was tied to exploration. It was about the opportunity to try something new (e.g., archery), to feel respected and cared about by staff and other participants, and to enjoy quality facilities (e.g., a single room with TV and Wi-Fi). Participants' recognition of these benefits was likely a result of the contrasting military experiences they had (e.g., sleeping on the ground) and where strict conformity to orders was the norm. A final part of this theme included a feeling of being inspired by fellow participants, both through interactions with fellow participants who had a different disability and those who had the same disability. Some of the feelings of inspiration appeared from observing a similar other (i.e., role model) accomplishing a challenging physical task (e.g., kayaking). Carless et al. (2013) asserted that the dynamics went deeper than a simple "If he can do it I can do it," and were the result of respect and admiration of the commitment and hard work necessary for the role model's success.
Carless and colleagues also reported in-depth on two participants from the same 5-day training camp (Carless et al., 2014). One participant, Stuart, reaffirmed the value of engaging in the various sport and adventure activities as part of a group and the social support derived from shared experiences with teammates (i.e., military background and adjusting to a disability). Sam, who had to manage chronic pain, noted that adventure and sport training reestablished his confidence in his physical abilities. Sam was also able to refute his perception that a person couldn't be fit and strong while in a wheelchair. This change in perspective enabled him to develop a sense of assurance that in the future, when he would regularly use a wheelchair, he would have a positive attitude toward being in a wheelchair.
In the final study, Carless (2014) sought similarities across the life stories of six soldiers attending the 5-day camp. The trauma that produced the participants' injuries also caused them to struggle with adjusting to their disability and the related life changes (e.g., altered career aspirations). Personal interactions during the sport adventure camp were a catalyst for less self-focused rumination and more social engagement. One participant reported,
I don't know but maybe one of the benefits is giving guys a chance to meet other guys who've been through something like they have. That's why I'm talking about this to you today I suppose, so someone else might hear something in my story that fits their life, that makes them feel like they're not going through stuff alone.
Carless, 2014, p. 1447
Carless (2014) concluded that most participants experienced positive psychosocial growth from the camp activities. Specifically, opportunities to be engaged with other injured veterans in meaningful activities (e.g., mountain climbing) that were enjoyable and affirming in a supportive atmosphere, and that were opposite the autocratic military ethos, were cited as factors responsible for their growth.
Many of the preceding observations were reported by Burke and Utley (2013), who interviewed injured veterans about training for and climbing Mt. Kilimanjaro. Participants were interviewed before the climb, as well as during and after the descent. In addition, participant observations were conducted. Three themes were identified. First, despite the physical difficulty of the climb (e.g., prolonged exposure to high altitude) and impairment effects (e.g., pain from prosthetics), all participants demonstrated commitment and determination that appeared to be largely a function of the challenge of climbing. In turn, their adaptive responses were seen as promoting their recovery (Burke & Utley, 2013). Second, the climbers also provided extensive functional (e.g., helped each other with physical tasks) and emotional (e.g., humor) social support to each other. Finally, the climbers engaged in active behavioral coping before (e.g., extensive physical training) and during (e.g., frequent rest breaks) the climb as well as cognitive coping during the climb (e.g., positive self-talk). The researchers concluded that the climb aided in developing a deeper understanding of their capabilities and the value of having meaningful life goals that gave their lives purpose (Burke & Utley, 2013).
Other researchers have examined sport and the natural environment. For instance, the benefits of surfing (Caddick, Smith, & Phoenix, 2014; Fleischmann et al., 2011), whitewater rafting (Dustin, Bricker, Arave, Wall, & Wendt, 2011), mountain climbing (Burke & Utley, 2013), and Outward Bound (Hyer, Boyd, Scurfield, Smith, & Burke, 1996) have all been documented.Caddick et al. examined the influence of surfing (i.e., the blue gym) on the well-being of 15 male veterans diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A life history research approach was used across a period of 1-1/2 years, and results indicated that surfing served as a respite from the difficulty associated with PTSD. The positive effects did not last beyond the time spent in the water surfing. However, the participants' subjective well-being was positively influenced by pushing PTSD into the background and promoting a focus on the present. These results are consistent with a case study conducted by Fleishman et al. (2011) with a polytrauma patient that demonstrated the positive effects of surfing. Another water-based activity, scuba diving, has also been effective in promoting both the physical and mental health of wounded warriors (Buckley & Raulerson, 2013). In addition to nontraditional outdoor sports like surfing and scuba diving, Pilates has been used by Royal Danish Ballet dancers to help Danish wounded warriors recover (Bowman, 2015). Finally, besides surfing, scuba diving, and ballet, horseback riding has shown promise. Also known as equine assisted psychotherapy, the use of horses for mental health treatment has a long history (Kruger & Serpell, 2006), and a recent review suggests that animal-assisted therapies can be effective (Maujean, Pepping, & Kendall, 2015).
Lundberg, Bennet, and Smith (2011) examined the effect of sport and PA in the natural environment on quality of life (QOL), mood, and competence. Study participants, all with an acquired disability or PTSD diagnosis, engaged in 5 days of therapeutic adaptive sport (e.g., Nordic skiing, water skiing) or physically active recreation (e.g., fly fishing, canoeing). Participation in both adaptive sports and recreation activities resulted in reduced negative mood states (i.e., tension, depression, and anger) and increased perceived sport competence from pre- to postintervention.
In summary, as the research reviewed in the previous paragraphs indicate, sport and PA can certainly have positive therapeutic effects on wounded veterans' physical and psychosocial health. More specifically, participating in sport after acquiring a disability can reaffirm veterans' exercise or athletic identity that was dormant during the initial trauma of their accident. Second, mastery experiences can strengthen specific self-efficacy cognitions (e.g., being able to balance on a surfboard) all the way to global self-esteem perceptions. Third, social support, especially from similar others, can promote momentary feelings of group cohesion all the way to deeper bonding that is a result of prolonged engagement in multiday experiences. Fourth, sport and PA in the natural environment (i.e., green exercise) may have additional mental health-related benefits beyond PA alone (Barton & Pretty, 2010; Pretty, Peacock, Sellens, & Griffin, 2005).
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